Earlier this summer, I went as part of an Arab West Report team to visit the Coptic Cathedral in Abbasiya, Cairo with the intention to conduct an interview with Bishop Kyrillos, Nag Hammadi’s Coptic Orthodox Bishop. Upon our arrival, we realised that a demonstration was about to take place. There was a large police presence outside the Church compound and security guards inside as well as Pope Shenouda III banners. Unfortunately, we were not able to carry out the interview with Bishop Kyrillos. The venture was nonetheless worthwhile as we witnessed a Coptic demonstration against the recent Supreme Administrative Court's ruling allowing divorced Christians to remarry, challenging one of the church’s seven sacraments.
In front of the cathedral, we noticed a large crowd of reporters, political activists, priests and parishioners from different parts of Cairo and Egypt. Copts were demonstrating in support of the Pope’s opposition to the judgement. They viewed it as a governmental attempt to meddle in Coptic religious affairs. I felt however that this demonstration transcended this particular issue and that the protestors were expressing various frustrations and demands of the Coptic community. It seemed to me that the Church compound had been turned into an arena of political, social and religious debate. For example, Coptic human rights activist Naguib Gabriel, who seemed very at ease in his role, directly addressed President Mubarak through television cameras, demanding that the President personally intervene to overturn this Supreme Court decision. Taking advantage of the media spotlight, Gabriel highlighted the demographic importance of Copts in Egypt and affirmed that social harmony and national unity were at stake if this Court decision was not reversed.
Has this church complex become for a moment the antithesis of the Egyptian societal life? The public sphere for debate in Egypt is so restricted and particularly inaccessible for Copts. Perhaps this demonstration created a forum that allowed Copts to vocalize their protests, with the hope of influencing public policy. Certainly the activists present at this rally have done what they do best, namely to politicize the debate and present it as a risk to national unity.
I also felt that beyond the anger and frustration deriving from the different issues that were being expressed people seemed happy to be together, among members of their community. This happiness was undoubtedly resulting from the solidarity existing among the Coptic community which was expressed by the presence of hundreds of its members at this social and political event. An elderly woman proudly told me in French how important it was for the Coptic community to protest against the Supreme Administrative Court's ruling allowing divorced Christians to remarry. Smiling, she claimed to be proud to see so many people at the rally. The protestors seemed to be carried away by a sense of strength deriving from this expression of solidarity.
The media coverage of this event was surprising. The demonstrators were pleased with the presence of the media and seemed to take advantage of it to publicize their cause. Thinking that we were foreign reporters, some demonstrators asked us if we were representing European media, and at what time and channel the report would be broadcast.
Upon reflection, many questions arise. Why were these people so eager to see foreign media? What was so particular about their cause to want to export it beyond their national borders? Could it be due to the fact that this community has lost faith in the government’s capacity to satisfy their needs and guarantee their rights that they believe that the improvement of their situation can only occur through the international community and foreign actors? I had the feeling that demonstrators were calling upon extrinsic actors such as the UN, Coptic lobbies, and the international community in general to try to influence the Coptic-Muslim tensions in Egypt.
As a final remark, this event certainly did not seem like a spontaneous gathering. We noticed the presence of some activists who attempted to lead the crowd. This raises the question of whether this demonstration against the Supreme Administrative Court's ruling could have been used by some activists to pursue their own agenda.
Witnessing this demonstration was a rewarding experience. It helped me to start understanding a reality that previously I had only learned about mainly from the media and written works. In Christians versus Muslims in Modern Egypt: The Century-Long Struggle for Coptic Equality, S. S. Hasan states that under the leadership of Pope Shenouda III the Church became a space "where [Copts could] reaffirm their collective identity". Indeed, demonstrations such as this one that are supported by the Church undoubtedly reinforce the participants’ sense of belonging to the Coptic community.
Following the demonstration, I felt pessimistic about the likelihood of this demonstration achieving any political success. Although it was successful in drawing attention to the debate at hand, I questioned the potential of this event to actually lead to a suspension or even an overturning of the Supreme Court’s controversial decision, since a tactical success does not guarantee a strategic achievement. However, on July 7, 2010, the Supreme Constitutional Court, Egypt's highest judiciary body,overturned the decision of the Supreme Administrative Court (AWR 2010, week 27). The question remains whether this demonstration (and other similar ones) held any weight in influencing the governmental decision.
